Just days after the first state-regulated marijuana shops opened in Colorado—to the delight of everyone who loves a good pot pun in their morning newspaper—reports began to circulate that New York’s Democratic governor, Andrew Cuomo, was poised to bring his state into line with the twenty others that have legalized marijuana for medical use. This week, according to the New York Times, Cuomo will announce an executive action allowing twenty New York hospitals to prescribe marijuana to patients with glaucoma, cancer, and a handful of other chronic diseases, to be determined by the Department of Health. The governor is skirting the state legislature, where four medical marijuana bills, including one that passed the House last spring, perished in the Republican-controlled Senate. The legislative proposals would have allowed patients with a dozen illnesses, including epilepsy, post-traumatic stress, diabetes, and arthritis, to possess two and a half ounces of cannabis, and set up a system for licensed marijuana distributors.
After the triumphs of marijuana reform in 2012—culminating in two successful ballot initiatives which made Washington and Colorado the first places in the world legalize the possession and sale of small amounts of weed—it was almost inevitable that 2013 would be a let-down. It wasn’t an unproductive twelve months for supporters of more lenient marijuana politics: New Hampshire and Illinois legalized pot for medical use, and Vermont decriminalized the possession of small amounts of marijuana. The residents of cities in Maine and Michigan also cast (mostly symbolic) votes in favor of pot legalization. But a third state has yet to join the two earliest adopters in sanctioning the possession and sale of pot, which remains illegal under federal law.
Beleaguered fans of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) got some encouraging news on Wednesday morning: The contraceptive mandate is working. A study released by the Guttmacher Institute, a think tank that supports abortion rights, revealed that the number of privately insured women who paid nothing out of pocket for birth-control pills nearly tripled since the fall of 2012, from 15 percent to 40 percent. More women are also getting the vaginal ring at no cost.
The four horsemen haven’t appeared on the horizon yet, nor has the sea turned to blood, but you’d be forgiven for thinking that when it comes to reproductive justice in the United States. End times are just around the corner.
In 2013 alone, states enacted gobs of restrictions on early access to abortion. From Texas to Ohio to Iowa, dozens of clinics shut their doors. The courts are abortion-rights advocates’ best hope for stemming the tide of regressive legislation, but as Scott Lemieux has extensively documented here at the Prospect, their judgments have been decidedly mixed.
In this ever-growing maelstrom of incursions on abortion rights, pro-choice politicians have stayed on the defensive, clinging to the standards established by Roe v. Wade even as conservatives whack relentlessly at their foundations. Given the apocalyptic tenor of the times, supporters are routinely lauded as martyrs for the cause. Wendy Davis’s doomed filibuster against a restrictive abortion bill on the floor of the Texas Senate was undoubtedly the high point for the pro-choice movement this year, even though it was clear that the law—which is now wreaking havoc on the state’s abortion providers—would pass anyway. But the victories are almost always pyrrhic, a trickle of small symbolic triumphs amid an avalanche of defeats.
Tamesha Means was only 18 weeks pregnant on the morning of December 10, 2010 when her water broke. In a haze of pain, she called a friend for a ride to the only hospital in her central Michigan county. She had no idea that the hospital, Mercy Health Partners, was part of a Catholic health system. She just knew she needed help.