Harold Meyerson

Harold Meyerson is the editor-at-large at The American Prospect and a columnist for The Washington Post. His email is hmeyerson@prospect.org

Recent Articles

Senatorial Heresy

Few things in contemporary American politics have been
more certain than the Senate's support for free trade. While the critics and
criticisms of global laissez-faire have been growing in number and the House's
support for free trade has become increasingly iffy, the Senate has rolled
merrily along, Republicans and Democrats alike ratifying whatever trade bill was
up for a vote.

The Democrats and the Euro-Left

In Europe, the year 1968 has always meant only half of what it's meant here in the United States. On both sides of the Atlantic, 1968 was the year of the great youth uprising, of the emergence of a distinct New Left. The protesters who took to the streets from Chicago to Paris weren't simply opposing the war in Vietnam but the Cold War liberalism of their nations' parties of the center-left. And their goal wasn't simply to repudiate Cold War policies but to confront the New Deal-cum-social democratic politics of those parties with a host of new concerns: civil rights, individual liberties, feminism, environmentalism, and what might be termed lifestyle liberalism.


Axis of Incompetence

If the administration's foreign-policy apparat (minus the increasingly isolated Colin Powell) were placed under one roof -- Rice, Rumsfeld, and Reich; Perle, Wolfowitz, Cheney, and Bush -- what watchword would be inscribed over the door? No, not "Abandon all hope, ye who enter." There are any number of supplicants who should not abandon hope -- Latin American putschsters, China's Leninist social Darwinists, the Colombian paramilitary, Ariel Sharon, even al-Qaeda terrorists scrambling over mountaintops with no U.S soldiers around to impede them. If not Dante, then, the inscription could be provided by another immortal.

Karl Rove's Wedges

Some doctrinaire conservatives are growing a bit cranky
over the ideological impurities of George W. Bush. California Republicans
rebelled when he promoted the candidacy of Richard Riordan -- Horrors! An electable
moderate! -- for governor. Free-market ideologues blanched when he supported
protections for the steel industry. "Steel tariffs are not just anti-market,"
grumped Sebastian Mallaby in The Washington Post. "They make no sense on their
own terms."

Enron's Enablers

Okay, let's take the Bush administration at its
word, however mutable that
word may be. Let's say only a handful of officials--the commerce and treasury
secretaries, and (according to a subsequent clarification) several lesser
officials at Treasury, and (oh, yes, we forgot) White House Chief of Staff Andy
Card--knew about Ken Lay's phone calls imploring the administration to do
something that would head off Enron's impending bankruptcy. Let's say that none
of these presidential confidants thought to tell George W. Bush or Dick
Cheney--or Karl Rove, for that matter--that the largest donor to the Bush family,
the dominant corporation in W.'s hometown and home state, the seventh-largest

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