Harold Meyerson

Harold Meyerson is executive editor of The American Prospect. His email is hmeyerson@prospect.org.

Recent Articles

The Genius of Bernie’s Gradualism

Olivier Douliery/Abaca/Sipa via AP Images
Olivier Douliery/Abaca/Sipa via AP Images Senator Bernie Sanders holds a press conference on his Medicare for All bill on Capitol Hill. I ’m a fervent supporter of Bernie Sanders’s Medicare for All bill, which he introduced Wednesday along with 16 Senate Democrat co-sponsors—and not only because I believe health care is a right and that a universal single-payer system is the best way to ensure that right. I also support it because it diminishes the power of capital not just in our economy but in our politics as well. I also support it because it’s aspirational—setting a long-term goal that will both motivate Democratic and progressive activists and clarify the Democrats’ purpose to an electorate that at times has been understandably unsure how or whether the Democrats champion their interests. Most important, I also support it because it’s gradualist—expanding Medicare in its first tranche to cover just those Americans under 19 and over 49, then lowering the age for eligibility to 45...

A Post-Charlottesville To-Do List for Anti-Trumpers

Andrew Shurtleff /The Daily Progress via AP
Andrew Shurtleff /The Daily Progress via AP People participate in a candlelight vigil at the University of Virginia Wednesday night, August 16, 2017, in Charlottesville. I n the wake of the Charlottesville murder, the resistible re-emergence of the Klan, American Nazis, and a president settling into a neo-fascist groove, progressives’ action agenda could stand some updating. Here are a few suggestions: · Mount ongoing vigils or demonstrations at the nation’s anti-fascist, anti-racist monuments. In the nation’s capital, that would include both the Lincoln Memorial and the World War II memorial in the middle of the National Mall. The World War II Memorial should get special attention, with demonstrators making constant reference to the thousands of their parents, grandparents, great-grandparents, and so on—or, among the very old, their buddies—who gave their lives to defeat the most virulent anti-Semitism and racism the world has ever known, and making clear that neo-Nazis and Klansmen...

Trump’s Racist Silence

(Rex Features via AP)
(Rex Features via AP) Demonstrators rally in solidarity with Charlottesville in Denver, Colorado, on August 13, 2017. I n a quick-reaction mini-op-ed on The Washington Post ’s website, conservative columnist Hugh Hewitt opined about the Charlottesville killing, “Anyone who incited the driver, indeed anyone whose actions obliged the state troopers to be airborne in defense of the public’s safety, should lawyer up.” Well, President Trump is already lawyered up, but by Hewitt’s standard, there’s now one more reason why the president needs legal help. The very essence of Trump’s political strategy and his administration’s policy has been and remains white nationalism, which has intentionally both fed on and fostered the virulent and violent racism we saw in Charlottesville on Saturday. Not since George Wallace’s presidential runs had there been a campaign so premised on the hates and fears of white racism as Trump’s. Though he began his bid with birtherism, and made an attack on “Mexicans...

Sam Brownback’s Not One for Religious Freedom

AP Photo/John Hanna, File
AP Photo/John Hanna, File Kansas Governor Sam Brownback speaks during a news conference at the Statehouse in Topeka. trickle-downers_35.jpg C ourtesy of his friends in the Trump administration, Kansas Governor Sam Brownback now has a ticket out of his state, where his blind faith in trickle-down economics (TDE) plunged Kansas into economic chaos and dragged down his own approval rating to a level so low that he’s duking it out with New Jersey’s Chris Christie as America’s least popular governor. But the position to which Trump has nominated Brownback — Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom—is one for which Brownback’s performance as governor leaves him almost uniquely unqualified. Immediately following his election as governor in the 2010 Tea Party landslide, Brownback announced he’d call on his fellow Republicans in the legislature (who held a decisive majority) to eliminate the state’s top income tax bracket, exempt a large number of businesses from any income tax...

The Party of No Negates Itself

AP Photo/Andrew Harnik
AP Photo/Andrew Harnik Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell speaks with reporters at the Capitol. C an a party that defines itself almost entirely by what it’s against transform itself into a party that can govern? From the evidence of the Republicans’ futile efforts to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act, the answer seems to be: no. Mitch McConnell’s talent, it turns out, has always been for obstructing the Democrats. No to considering President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee; no to shoring up the infrastructure; no to a higher minimum wage; no—if not a thousand times no, then close to a hundred times no—to Obamacare, which both House and Senate, under GOP control, voted repeatedly, regularly, like clockwork, to repeal—in the assurance that Obama would veto those measures. When given the power, once Donald Trump entered the White House, to actually enact legislation, however, none of McConnell’s wiles sufficed. The failure to construct even a remotely plausible market-driven...

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