Jeffrey Dubner

Jeffrey Dubner is an associate editor at The American Prospect.

Recent Articles

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By all accounts, Jim Bill Lynn bled Wal-Mart blue. His friend Darrell Altom,
who worked with Lynn at Wal-Mart's Searcy, Arkansas, distribution center in the
days before Lynn traveled the nation and the world on Wal-Mart's behalf, recalls that
at the Monday-morning warehouse meetings back in the mid-'90s, "A lot of managers didn't want to get up and do the [company] cheer, but [Lynn]
would do it every week."

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By all accounts, Jim Bill Lynn bled Wal-Mart blue. His friend Darrell Altom,
who worked with Lynn at Wal-Mart's Searcy, Arkansas, distribution center in the
days before Lynn traveled the nation and the world on Wal-Mart's behalf, recalls that
at the Monday-morning warehouse meetings back in the mid-'90s,
"A lot of managers didn't want to get up and do the [company] cheer, but [Lynn]
would do it every week."

Judge-ment Day

The verb “bork” is one of the more tendentious entries in Webster's New Millennium Dictionary. Webster's records “bork” as meaning “to seek to obstruct a political appointment or selection; also, to attack a political opponent viciously.” While the first half of the definition is accurate, the second element is but one version of recent history, the conservative one. Through this lens, Bork suffered “naked character assassination,” as Andrew McCarthy recently wrote for the National Review Online.

2020 Foresight

Just as a coalition of religious-right activists was finishing its two-day call for the impeachment of dozens of judges last Friday, a court-minded conference of a decidedly different tone was beginning in New Haven, Connecticut. Where one gathering seemed to signal an ending -- the culmination of an increasingly provocative conservative attack on the independent judiciary -- the other was intended to be a beginning, the first stage of a conversation about how liberals interact with the courts and push policy forward.

College Try

“People don't believe me,” grouses David Horowitz, “but I actually have a great affection for the idea of the liberal university.”

His critics can be forgiven for thinking otherwise. Horowitz is at the high point of what has been a multi-decade campaign to rein in radical academics. Backed by studies purporting to show “a 95 percent left-wing faculty” at colleges around the country (studies often funded by the same foundations supporting The Center for the Study of Popular Culture, or CSPC, which pays Horowitz more than $300,000 a year for his work as its president), he has made a mission of stamping out what he sees as pervasive liberal bias. In the process, he has raised a maelstrom that many academics say is doing untold damage to America's universities.

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