Jeffrey Dubner

Jeffrey Dubner is an associate editor at The American Prospect.

Recent Articles

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By all accounts, Jim Bill Lynn bled Wal-Mart blue. His friend Darrell Altom, who worked with Lynn at Wal-Mart's Searcy, Arkansas, distribution center in the days before Lynn traveled the nation and the world on Wal-Mart's behalf, recalls that at the Monday-morning warehouse meetings back in the mid-'90s, "A lot of managers didn't want to get up and do the [company] cheer, but [Lynn] would do it every week." This article, along with articles in The Nation , In These Times , and at AlterNet , is published in conjunction with the release of Robert Greenwald's film Wal-Mart: The High Cost of Low Price . For information about screenings and the DVD, please visit www.walmartmovie.com . "It's corny, but it's part of the culture -- and he was so pro-Wal-Mart." Lynn and Wal-Mart seemed made for each other. Driven, affable, and politically conservative, with clear managerial aptitude and a boundless appetite for work, Lynn was exactly the kind of young fella for whom Sam Walton's executives...

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By all accounts, Jim Bill Lynn bled Wal-Mart blue. His friend Darrell Altom, who worked with Lynn at Wal-Mart's Searcy, Arkansas, distribution center in the days before Lynn traveled the nation and the world on Wal-Mart's behalf, recalls that at the Monday-morning warehouse meetings back in the mid-'90s, "A lot of managers didn't want to get up and do the [company] cheer, but [Lynn] would do it every week." It's corny, but it's part of the culture -- and he was so pro-Wal-Mart." Lynn and Wal-Mart seemed made for each other. Driven, affable, and politically conservative, with clear managerial aptitude and a boundless appetite for work, Lynn "It's corny, but it's part of the culture -- and he was so pro-Wal-Mart." Lynn and Wal-Mart seemed made for each other. Driven, affable, and politically conservative, with clear managerial aptitude and a boundless appetite for work, Lynn was exactly the kind of young fella for whom Sam Walton's executives were always on the lookout. Wal-Mart was the...

Judge-ment Day

The verb “bork” is one of the more tendentious entries in Webster's New Millennium Dictionary . Webster's records “bork” as meaning “to seek to obstruct a political appointment or selection; also, to attack a political opponent viciously.” While the first half of the definition is accurate, the second element is but one version of recent history, the conservative one. Through this lens, Bork suffered “naked character assassination,” as Andrew McCarthy recently wrote for the National Review Online . For liberals, on the other hand, “borking” means something quite different. “Robert Bork defeated Robert Bork,” argues People for the American Way President Ralph Neas, who chaired the Block Bork coalition. “Borking,” by his lights, is the process of giving the public “an opportunity to understand, to know what the judicial philosophy is of this individual who will be confirmed for life.” To Neas, the strategy in 2005 is much as it was in 1987, if President Bush nominates an ideologically...

2020 Foresight

Just as a coalition of religious-right activists was finishing its two-day call for the impeachment of dozens of judges last Friday, a court-minded conference of a decidedly different tone was beginning in New Haven, Connecticut. Where one gathering seemed to signal an ending -- the culmination of an increasingly provocative conservative attack on the independent judiciary -- the other was intended to be a beginning, the first stage of a conversation about how liberals interact with the courts and push policy forward. The occasion was a weekend-long Yale Law School conference on “The Constitution in 2020,” sponsored by the American Constitution Society (ACS), the Center for American Progress (CAP), and the Open Society Institute (OSI). The questions at hand: how the country's founding document could and should be interpreted, and how to institute that vision. It is not an abstract argument -- nor a settled one. Should litigation take a backseat to legislation, as many panelists...

College Try

“People don't believe me,” grouses David Horowitz, “but I actually have a great affection for the idea of the liberal university.” His critics can be forgiven for thinking otherwise. Horowitz is at the high point of what has been a multi-decade campaign to rein in radical academics. Backed by studies purporting to show “a 95 percent left-wing faculty” at colleges around the country (studies often funded by the same foundations supporting The Center for the Study of Popular Culture, or CSPC, which pays Horowitz more than $300,000 a year for his work as its president), he has made a mission of stamping out what he sees as pervasive liberal bias. In the process, he has raised a maelstrom that many academics say is doing untold damage to America's universities. His current tool is the “academic bill of rights,” or ABOR, which he has succeeded in adding to at least 12 states' legislative agendas. Georgia passed a version of the bill in March 2004; a push in Colorado let up in the same...

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