Paul Starr

Paul Starr Paul Starr is co-founder and co-editor of the The American Prospect. and professor of sociology and public affairs at Princeton University. A winner of the Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction and the Bancroft Prize in American history, he is the author of seven books, including most recently Remedy and Reaction: The Peculiar American Struggle over Heath Care Reform (Yale University Press, revised ed. 2013). Click here to read more about Starr.

Recent Articles

Delivering Health Reform

Can the Clintons find the votes for health care reform without wrecking the logic of universal coverage, cost-control, and managed competition?

The Social Security Act in its final form was far from a perfect piece of legislation. In important respects it was actually weaker than the Wagner Lewis bill of the year before. It failed to set up a national system and even failed to provide for effective national standards. It left to the states virtually every important decision and thus committed the nation to a crazy- quilt unemployment compensation system. . . . For all the defects of the Act, it still meant a tremendous break with the inhibitions of the past. The federal government was at last charged with the obligation to provide its citizens a measure of protection from the hazards and vicissitudes of life. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Coming of the New Deal I mperfect, but a landmark on the journey to a good society: so it will be with health care reform, if we are lucky. The window of political opportunity for universal health coverage has opened five times in the twentieth century, and each time legislation has failed...

What Happened to Health Care Reform?

Republicans killed it. The White House strategy misfired. Reformers couldn't unite. The center failed. And the moment was lost.

I t was one year from euphoria to defeat. On the evening of September 23, 1993, I sat in the gallery of the House of Representatives for President Clinton's speech introducing the administration's Health Security plan. For those of us who had worked on it, this was the climax of a long, intense, and not always easy collaboration. I had been one of about ten people on the health policy team in the White House who had written and rewritten the plan after the cast of hundreds had left. Now the president had the nation's attention focused on ideas we deeply believed in, and he spoke with tremendous force. At first it seemed Clinton would move the country. The next morning, Stanley Greenberg, the president's pollster, crowed that the overnight surveys showed we were winning two-thirds approval. Commentators were saying that no matter how the battle over details might work out, the president had established the right principles and challenged Americans to a great, historic mission. The...

How Low Can You Go?

THE SOCIAL BENEFITS OF PREMATURE DEATH One argument for a sharp increase in tobacco taxes is that it would force smokers to pay for the increased medical costs they generate. But some economists say higher medical costs are only half the story. Peter Passell wrote last July in the New York Times that "a full accounting must also include the savings from smoking. Yes, savings: the reduced cost of private pensions, Social Security and nursing home care for smokers who die before their time." And on a full accounting, according to studies cited by Passell, the social costs of smoking may be too small even to justify current taxes, much less an increase. The economists making these arguments are breaking new ground. Public policy has always generally made the assumption that life is a benefit and worth preserving. But, on a "full accounting," a lot of people--particularly old people--are clearly more cost than benefit. So a policy that encourages them to kill themselves, such as low...

The Martian Plan

N ewt Gingrich thinks Americans need a new frontier to explore. He also believes in paying bounties to promote public objectives. Hence the proposal prepared at his invitation by space entrepreneur Robert Zubrin for a federal bounty of $20 billion payable to the first private organization that puts someone on Mars and brings that man or woman back to earth alive. The proposal is detailed in Zubrin's book, The Case for Mars: The Plan to Settle the Red Planet and Why We Must (Free Press), and at the "Headquarters for the Mars Direct Manned Mars Mission" on the Web site, www.magick.net/mars/ . I don't wish to disparage the idea of settling another planet; in fact, we all know a few people who might fit in better on Mars, and this would at least be a first step toward giving them the chance to relocate. But $20 billion is a steep price to pay, and members of Congress may be hesitating to set aside that much money in the federal budget for fear of being brought back to earth by the voters...

How Low Can You Go? Made of Sterner Stuff

MADE OF STERNER STUFF The Lewinsky investigation has put me to reflecting about the many opportunities for rectitude that were missed in our past. Americans have now been told, all too late, about the illicit sexual behavior of presidents from Thomas Jefferson to JFK. Just think of how much better informed and more righteous the American people might have been if the methods of uncovering the truth familiar to us today had only been used when they could have really mattered. Earlier presidents, for example, were never the target of civil suits in which the attorneys for the opposite side could oblige them to answer questions about their sexual relationships. Americans would have known so much more about the true moral character of our presidents if they had been subject to such unlimited questioning. It is interesting to speculate whether Jefferson might have been induced to lie under oath about his slave Sally Hemmings or whether Franklin Roosevelt might have been tempted to shade...

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