Robert Kuttner

Robert Kuttner is co-founder and co-editor of The American Prospect, a professor at Brandeis University's Heller School, and a distinguished senior fellow of the think tank Demos. He was a longtime columnist for Business Week and continues to write columns in The Boston Globe. He is the author of Obama's Challenge and other books.

Recent Articles

Creating a Secure -- But Free -- US

For 20 years, the party now in power has been crusading for smaller government. But that was then. Since Sept. 11, we've gotten a rude awakening that everything from our personal and national security to the rebuilding of a stunned economy depends on an effective government. We also got a look at public workers in action - New York's police, fire, and EMT heroes - not a lazy bureaucrat among them. But as we necessarily expand government's role in this crisis, we also need to make sure that government's expanded police powers don't take away our freedoms. We got something of the same lesson after Pearl Harbor, when our war production, civil defense, and intelligence capability were all pitifully inadequate. In that crisis, government rose to the occasion and rallied the nation. (It also incarcerated hundreds of thousands of innocent Japanese-Americans.) In this crisis, there is still some hesitancy to act because of the current administration's residual preference for the private...

Shame On Journalists for Forgetting Orwell

In his timeless essay ''Politics and the English Language,'' George Orwell explored how manipulation of words can change how people think. Orwell noted Stalin's use of the word ''liquidation'' as a delicate synonym for execution of political enemies among several other examples. Generations of freshman English students and aspiring journalists have read their Orwell and are supposedly alert to propagandistic euphemisms. But judging by recent successful spin-doctoring of language, many editors and writers could use a refresher course in their Orwell. Herewith, some notable examples: Prolife . All of us can be described as prolife. Most Americans don't like abortion but don't consider it murder, and support a woman's right to have one. But the antiabortion lobby has succeeded in appropriating the phrase ''right to life.'' Conventional usage has become ''prolife'' versus ''prochoice.'' Both terms are propagandistic. An accurate substitute would be antiabortion groups versus abortion-...

The Poverty of Neoliberalism

In the late 1970s, a group of one-time liberals began describing themselves as neoliberals. 'We criticize liberalism," Charles Peters, editor of the neoliberal Washington Monthly , wrote in 1983, "not to destroy it but to renew it by freeing it from its myths, from its old automatic responses..." Neoliberals often join conservatives in lambasting public programs, skewering bureaucrats, and celebrating the power of the market. They also attack special interest groups in the name of a more embracing public interest, untainted by politics. Much of their criticism is entertaining; some of it is even fair. But in the end neoliberalism often seems only to reinforce the conservative impulses of our day Where it remains liberal, it disdains constituencies that liberals need not only to address, but also to inspire. It is just the sort of politically innocent liberalism conservatives eat for lunch. Though the term "neoliberal" has not found its way into most voters' vocabulary, neoliberal...

Is There a Democratic Economics?

Yes, there is a Democratic economics. What remains to be seen is whether there is a Democratic politics. The real economic issue is not the current recession, but fifteen years of invisible depression. That should be the focus of the reframed debate. A steady erosion of living standards for wage and salary earners suggests a very different construction of the problem, different remedies, and a far superior politics. At this writing, George Bush is at last reaping the consequences of eleven years of wrong-headed economic policy. He, and we, face an improbable economic bind, in which annual deficits of $300 billion are necessary for the economy merely to tread water. For Bush to propose capital gains cuts as a remedy is not only bad economics; as politics it plays into the Democrats' hands. Add to this the shaky condition of banks and real estate markets, the visible decay of public services and infrastructure, the richly deserved voter skepticism about various experiments in...

After Conservatism

After a decade of conservative rule, a fair tally of claims and achievements yields a mixed picture. The major conservative strength remains foreign policy, where the right takes credit for the collapse of global communism as a military force and of Marxism as an ideal. Liberals are correct to respond that the policy of containment had liberal origins, that communism collapsed more from its own weight than from the Reagan military buildup, that many ancillary foreign policies -- Iran-contra; misjudging Saddam; bungling the trade round -- were debacles. But polls keep showing that conservatives, deservedly or not, win broad support for their foreign policy, of which the Persian Gulf War is only the most recent example. Domestic policy, however, is another story. If the experience of the 1980s does not bring total discredit to the ideological pretensions of the Reagan revolution, it comes close. The right was going to restore growth. The growth rate of the roaring 1980s barely equaled...

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