Actually, it’s Greece’s Election

ATHENS—To hear the leaders of the European austerity party and a lot of commentators tell it, the upcoming Greek election will be a “referendum” between keeping Greece’s austerity commitments and staying in the Eurozone—or recklessly walking away. A vote for a centrist coalition, supposedly, is a vote for staying in; a vote for the left is a vote for throwing caution to the winds and destroying Greece.

But viewed from Greece, that framing is totally wrong.

The leftist Syriza party, actually a coalition of 12 (!) parties, substantially displaced social-democratic PASOK as the radical party in the deadlocked May 6 election, where no governing coalition could be formed. In the do-over election scheduled for June 17, Syriza is could well come in first with at least 25 percent of the vote. Under Greek law, where the top performing party gets a bonus of 50 seats in parliament, that should be enough to give Syriza in coalition with a couple of smaller parties a governing majority.

In the last campaign, when all sides were posturing, Syriza vowed to simply disown the austerity program imposed by the European Union. That program, intended to reduce Greece’s budget deficit, has actually increased it by destroying economic growth.

Unemployment is upwards of 20 percent, wages have been cut by as much as 40 percent, and there is widespread suffering among people who had nothing to do with whether leaders, three governments ago, falsified budgetary numbers. Greek GDP will fall by more than 20 percent over three years.

My conversations with Syriza leaders, however, suggest that the left party could take a very different tone in the upcoming campaign. Its chief, the charismatic Alexis Tsipras, has already said that he wants Greece to stay in the eurozone. He proposes much tougher negotiations with the IMF, the European Central Bank, and the European Commission to relieve Greece’s needless pain and get the country back on a growth path. There are others within the Syriza coalition who want an even more radical stance, however, and this coming week the final platform will be resolved.

My sources suggest that this debate has a better than even chance of being resolved in favor of Tsipras’ view, since there is growing recognition even on the left that Syriza needs to be more than just a protest party; it needs to be convincing in its audition for the role of governing party.

If that happens, the Greek election will not be a referendum between staying in or quitting the eurozone. It will be a choice between one leader promising very tough renegotiation, and a team of rivals—the center left PASOK and the center-right New Democracy—promising more moderate renegotiation. If that’s the framing, toughness wins. Ordinary Greeks are sick of what’s being imposed on their country.

But it’s even more complicated. PASOK, under Prime Minister George Papandreou, took office in 2009, promising wide reforms of a corrupt, top-heavy state. “As socialists,” Papandreou said, “we need government to work.”

His government made a good start. Then in early 2010, speculators began attacking Greek government bonds, and the European Commission and Central Bank spurred on by German Chancellor Angela Merkel demanded deep austerity as the price of relieving some of Greece’s government debt. The austerity destroyed the reform, and discredited PASOK for having done Merkel’s bidding.

My interviews with PASOK leaders suggest there are things they wish they had done differently during the reign of austerity in the eurozone.

But unless New Democracy and PASOK take a much tougher posture in the June election, they are likely to be defeated as having been complicit in the present disaster.

There are a few in PASOK who would like to ally with Syriza, but most of the party elite sees an alliance with the center-right New Democracy as the only possible course. Syriza’s Tsipras is widely seen as untested. “If he makes promises that he can’t deliver because of the EU’s resistance,” one PASOK leader told me,  “then who calls out the police when people storm the banks?”

But the trouble with a PASOK coalition with New Democracy is that the last New Democracy government was even more emblematic of the corrupt power structure.

Greece now has the paradoxical power of the weak—if Greece can find a way to use that power to bring about constructive policy changes both in Brussels and in Athens.  And it is dawning on elites that it’s not practical to toss Greece out and then build a higher firewall around the rest of Europe, for the fire has already spread. The same speculators who took down Greek bonds are now menacing the financial systems of Spain, Portugal, Italy, and going after the euro.

Many of Europe’s leaders are deserting Merkel. But if the austerity caucus keeps on refusing to loosen the screws on Greece, they will only add to Syriza’s growing vote.


If Mr. Tsipras were to become Prime Minister after the next election, there is a zero chance that he will not have to disappoint many of his followers within days of assuming office. Many of his followers trust him blindly that he will literally do what he said (“declare the Memorandum null and void”) but the only way for him to stay in office for any length of time would be not to do that. It will be interesting to watch how he gets himself out of that bind.

There are some signs that Mr.Tsipras can be “flexible”. Right after the last election, he announced that he would send a letter to all Eurozone Finance Ministers declaring the Memorandum null and void. While he then did send a letter, it did not go to all Finance Ministers but only to the top brass of the EU/ECB and it was watered down into a fairly friendly letter (“we would like to discuss with you some changes to the measures”).

The fact seems to be that Mr. Tsipras is presently totally unqualified for the job. However, he is a man of great charisma. He (and Greece) might have a chance if he selects the right advisors and if he listens to them.

Many teams are now abounding a band of blush acme for women .A admired a part of the ladies are the New Era caps.Starting with the acceptable golf caps, the styles, colors and fabrics accept all benefitted from appearance advanced thinking.Before you alpha recording, accomplish abiding your apparatus is on. You can now calmly cull it off with just your hands.Tisa snapback Hats Items generally acclimated for promotional articles are pens, cups, t-shirts, magnets and custom caps. Anniversary account has its advantages for anniversary company. The a lot of accepted is the custom abstract baseball cap.On top of the new era adapted hats is a metal stud categorical with the Ed Hardy signature.In an about endure canal attack at preventing wine from spoiling, some wine makers accept resorted to spiral caps for their bottles of wine 47 Brand Snapback Hats. That is why it is aswell important to get custom printed caps that are beautiful with aesthetically adorable designs.Find the ascent bolt holes at the abject of the cap which should be area it meets the rim/wheel.We accept aggregate all the all-important instructions assuming the basics for those that wish to abolish centermost caps from their auto or rims.Logo hats can be awash or accustomed abroad to advice advance your company dc hats. Every time anyone has your hat on they are commercial for you.Author Signatures Kimberly Green is a claimed client alms tips and highlighting the latest trends in golf caps, golf accoutrement and golf equipment.Removing centermost caps is not that harder as continued as you apperceive absolutely what blazon or affectionate you are ambidextrous with.Removing Flat Surfaced Centermost Caps NFL Snapback Caps.

In viertausend Jahren die alten , eine Perücke zu nutzen begann, ist der weltweit erste Einsatz von perücke echthaar Nation, begann in den frühen Regierungszeit von , das alte von der dritten bis sechsten Dynastie, die für beide r und Frauen tragen Echthaar mit Wolle gemischt gemacht Perücke. Perücke, Stil, aufgrund sozialer Status und Alter variiert. Reich der Mitte ab, von Status, Geschlecht betrachtet rasierte Haare und Bart, eine Perücke, falschen Bart, nur Trauer, wenn sie ihre Haare wachsen lassen, sonst werden sie verspottet werden. Für dieses Ph?nomen, lassen Sie die antiken griechischen Historiker Herodot, dass die alten bareheaded fühlen die Sonne den del hart zu machen, aber das ist keine wissenschaftliche Grundlage, und kann nicht , die Gewohnheit, das Tragen einer Perücke. einige Leute, dass die alten sauberes Haar, Bart einfach zu lieben Dreck denken, so dass die Haare und Bart abrasiert, setzen auf den Kopf, um Sonnenbrand zu vermeiden Perücke, aber einige haben statt Echthaar Perücken sind nicht unbedingt in Frage gestellt als, das Haar zu reinigen. Es wurde vorgeschlagen, dass, obwohl die alten Dalits niemandem eine Perücke, aber verschiedene Klassen von Menschen tragen sind eine Perücke Stil hat strenge Regeln, kann nicht überschritten werden, gehen Zhao "die Weisheit des alten ", ein Buch vorgebrachten diese Ansicht, Er glaubt, dass die alten eine Perücke t, um sozialen Status, und Form des Pharao glorreichen Bild unterscheiden. Hat eine politische Zwecke und soziale Bedeutung [28]. Neben der Perücke, die Pharao, Adligen und Beamten und gibt falschen Bart, ein Symbol für Status und Macht.

I have gained a lot of knowledge from your post. You have done a good job. Thanks for sharing this post.Brandwatchbase

You need to be logged in to comment.
(If there's one thing we know about comment trolls, it's that they're lazy)