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The group blog of The American Prospect

ELECTION ANALYSIS 101. There is an aphorism, which I think comes from Alexander Herzen but I've seen it attributed to Mark Twain, which is something like, "There's nothing harder than trying to get someone to understand something when he's being paid to not understand it." And I'm beginning to think that aphorism applies to the group Third Way. I'm going to let Tom Schaller own the rebuttal of Third Way's latest report "proving" that affluent, white voters won the election for Democrats in 2006 and thus Democrats have to pay attention to them and throw benefits at them, but I want to highlight a slightly different aspect of it.

Tom points out one basic and fatal error, which is that Third Way compared the 2004 (presidential-year) electorate with the 2006 (congressional) electorate. The presidential year electorate is not only much larger (which Third Way corrects for), but because it consists of infrequent voters, it is by its very nature blacker and poorer. Thus the electorate in an off-year election is always going to be whiter and richer than in the presidential election that preceded it, and any Democratic gains will inevitably appear to be gains of white and affluent voters. To avoid that mistake, the appropriate baseline would be 2002.

But there is another point to make: 2006, while in part a nationalized election, was not a national election. Some areas had contested congressional elections and some did not. You might have heard that many of the most closely contested congressional races were in suburban districts -- districts that happen to have a lot of white and affluent voters. A hot congressional race increases turnout. So -- surprise! -- you have a lot of hot races in white, affluent areas, you're going to get a lot more white, affluent voters.

So even if Third Way had done the proper comparison with 2002 (as they do, briefly, in the conclusion), it would be misleading because the contested races were in different places. Just as in the future, the contests will be in other places, and the results of congressional races heavily weighted toward the suburban don't show how to win presidential or statewide elections.

It would take someone with more letters at the end of their name and more time than I have to do a comprehensive analysis of comparative turnout, but after the jump, I'll show some examples of how hot races drove up suburban voter participation:

Take Chris Shays' affluent Connecticut district, CT-4: In 2002, when Shays had no serious competition, total vote in his race was 175,000. In 2006, with a challenge, 210,000 voters turned out for that race. Next door, in the poorer, uncontested New Haven district, the total vote went up from 185,000 in 2002 to 197,000 last year. (That's a 20% jump in the wealthier district, 6% in the poorer.)

In Pennsylvania's affluent and white seventh district, where Joe Sestak beat Curt Weldon, total vote went from 220,000 in 2002 to 262,000 last year. Nearby in the mostly black second district, where Chaka Fattah was unchallenged, 171,000 people voted in 2002, and 177,000 last year.

In Ohio, total vote in Deborah Pryce's white 15th district went from 162,000 in 2002 to 199,000 last year, while in Stephanie Tubbs-Jones' uncontested Cleveland district, the total went from 153,000 to 158,000.

That's all there is to say: the new votes were where the contests were, and the contests were suburban. Total vote went up everywhere, and the Democratic share of the vote went up everywhere and in every demographic category, but it was greater in those districts that had hotter congressional contests.

Some of those House seats will remain competitive, and it is correct to say that Democrats in those districts will need to understand their constituents, who in some cases will not be open to a hard populist message. (Darien, CT, is perhaps not ready for Sherrod Brown.) But Third Way presents its conclusions as a more generally applicable key to all future elections. They are not. In a statewide election or a presidential election, increasing turnout and the Democratic vote in an impoverished district is as valuable as increasing it in a suburban district, and there may be actually be more upside potential with poorer voters.

-- Mark Schmitt



COMMENTS

It's actually an Upton Sinclair line: "It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his job depends on not understanding it."

bn

CT-03 is not a poor district: even though New Haven is poorer per-capita than Bridgeport, there are many white, wealthy, Republican suburbs (along with some poor white valley suburbs) in the 3rd CD, and it'd be competitive if Rosa DeLauro ever retired.

CT in 2006 was also crazy, because Dems in the 1st and 3rd CDs who wanted to see Joe Lieberman re-elected put their GOTV muscle into the 3 competitive CDs (on the theory that in a close election, a depressed base turnout in Hartford and New Haven could potentially deliver the Senate seat to Joe without further negative consequences for Dems.)

Not that your premise is wrong, just that Connecticut is not the greatest example. CT-02 is probably the best pick, as it had competitive elections both years and few real machine players screwing with the system to help Lieberman.

I'm from CT-03, and while it's true that Bridgeport is in the 4th and there are Republican suburbs in the 3rd, the difference in median income between the two districts is over $20,000. It was competitive only once since the 1950s (when Italian-Americans were Republicans) -- in 1980, when Lieberman lost a congressional race. CT-2 didn't really serve the purposes of my example, since that is a relatively poor and largely rural district.

Has Mr. Schmitt not seen An Inconvenient Truth? If he had, he would've known it was Sinclair.

C'mon, Mark

Indeed, I have not seen An Inconvenient Truth. You caught me.

I just like that Mark used 'Upside Potential'. He's this close to being Mel Kiper's replacement.

For the Sinclair quote an original source is
http://www.gooznews.com/archives/000551.html
which contains a scanned image of Sinclair's quote in print. Note that the original quote says "salary," not "job."

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