Ann Friedman

Ann Friedman

Ann Friedman is the executive editor of GOOD magazine. She was formerly deputy editor of the Prospect.

Recent Articles

Running Away From "Mama Grizzly"

After the 2008 election, conservatives learned to talk about race and gender -- but not race and gender equality.

If the 2008 election was all about change, then the 2012 race promises to be a referendum on whether things have actually changed. I'm not only talking about Obama's ability to fulfill his campaign promises of a more prosperous, fairer America. I'm also referring to the fact that the last time we elected a president, the candidates who graced the national stage marked a very visible change from previous campaigns. For the first time in history, race and gender did not default to white and male. Identity took center stage. I'm not old enough to remember all that many election cycles, but I'm confident that 2008 was different.

In the Streets

Old-fashioned street demonstrations and picket lines are enjoying their most popular moment since the late 1960s.

The Rev. Jesse Jackson at a pro-union rally in Wisconsin yesterday (Flickr/Karen Hickey)

About a year and a half ago, as the Tea Party began to dominate headlines and cable-news chyrons, liberals were befuddled. This "movement" had seemingly come from nowhere. Slowly, a general-consensus explanation emerged: A few tiny conservative gatherings were trumpeted (and trumped up) by right-wing media until they had the appearance of scale. We still, however, had a hard time wrapping our heads around how big and widespread these gatherings really were. When Glenn Beck and Sarah Palin called the Tea Partiers to the National Mall this summer -- but stopped just short of calling it a Tea Party -- liberals couldn't look away.

Compromised Rights

Recent, radical attacks on abortion rights are the legacy of decades of compromise.

Rep. Bart Stupak, co-author of the infamous Stupak-Pitts Amendment to the health-care bill (AP/Carlos Osorio)

For those of us concerned about women's health, the first few months of the 112th Congress have felt a lot like the early days of the George W. Bush administration. Republicans have introduced a cascade of anti-choice bills, each more appalling than the last. Far from stemming the tide of radical legislation, the Democrats' years of seeking the "middle ground" on this issue have only emboldened social conservatives. Rep. Joe Pitts, a Republican from Pennsylvania, recently declared, "This House is more pro-life than it's ever been."

What's Civility Worth?

It's not that the political conversation is poisoned with violent rhetoric. It's that it's not a conversation at all.

(AP Photo/Sandra Chereb)

For me, going home for the holidays every year is a reminder of the limits of rational political discourse. It's not that I descend into arguments with my family -- which is, on the whole, much more conservative than I am -- it's that we've long since learned to not even bother. We're coming from such different places, armed with totally different sets of facts, that arguing is pointless. They say that the health-care reform bill is too expensive. I point out that Republicans' proposed repeals will actually increase the deficit. They say that's not true. And we're back to square one. Best for all of us if we just tuck into the mashed potatoes and make friendly small talk.

Choice Rankings

We pushed back against Republicans' attempt to create a hierarchy of rape. So why are we OK with a hierarchy of abortion?

Rep. Christopher Smith, R-N.J., introduced a bill that would ban federal funding of abortions. (AP Photo/Harry Hamburg)

In the public conversation about rape, the loudest voices tend to be those describing what it isn't. It's not rape if she was drunk. It's not rape if they were on a date. It's not rape if she was wearing a short skirt. It's not rape if the accused is her husband or someone she previously called a friend. In its latest iteration, it's not rape if she isn't sufficiently bruised from fighting back.

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