This week, I took my second trip to Libya since the February revolution as director for the United States Institute of Peace's North Africa Programs. I had set up several meetings, but close to dawn on my first day, I woke to find a message saying that my meeting for the morning with a young activist was canceled because a cousin of hers had been killed in the storming of Bab al-Aziziya, Colonel Moammar el-Gadhafi's main military compound.
Libyan streets were on fire. Literally. The celebratory gunshots into the air proved to be too tame for the rush of emotions on the streets in Benghazi, the country's second-largest city; TNT set off by rebels added an exclamation point. Libyans -- young and old, male and female -- filled the streets until dawn to celebrate the takeover in Tripoli. People are ready to start a new, post-Gadhafi chapter.
But everything from the activist's grieving to the explosive celebrations served to remind me that moving forward is not going to be easy for Libya. Besides the excitement, both leadership for the Libyan National Transitional Council (NTC) and civil-society activists have begun discussing what the next steps in the nation-building process should be.
The greatest challenge for the NTC, which represents the anti-Gadhafi forces, is to resist the temptation to proceed in the rebuilding effort without local community buy-in and support. A two-pronged approach is needed. On one hand, it is crucial to plan for the delivery of basic services like water, electricity, health care, and humanitarian assistance, but it is equally important for the interim government to demonstrate openness and transparency during the nation-building process.
There is a clear sense from the streets of the East that the process is as important as the outcome. The formation of the NTC has been described by many Libyans as random, and many are calling for a clear outline of the mechanisms for selecting members. Few Libyans will deny that the assassination of General Abdel Fatah Younes was not a faith-shaking experience in the NTC's ability to control the rebels. The death of the leader of the rebels, General Younes, was surrounded by a cloud of confusion. Rumors spread that he was assassinated by tribal rivals that threatened to split the rebels. The incident also brought into the spotlight the NTC's decision-making process. Because Younis was a former Gadhafi loyalist, his appointment to lead the rebel army had been controversial from the start. At the same time, his assassination raised questions about the new Libya early on. It raised questions on transitional justice and foreshadowed the threat of a victor's justice. It also highlighted the potential role of tribalism in the transitional process.
The NTC needs to work closely with media outlets to provide open access to information, as well as come up with messaging that helps manage people's expectations for a quick and easy rebuilding effort: The process of building will take years, not months. It is crucial that the NTC provide a realistic timeline with achievable goals. The need for transparency and the disbursement of information was well demonstrated by the NTC's announcement of a draft constitutional charter for the transitional phase last week. Several activists expressed concern over the document, yet few confirmed actually reading it.
One of the most vocal constituencies of in the movement is the youth. Although they have no clear leader representing them, there is a sense that they want to be part of the process. For many, the fear is that the new regime will elevate the same individuals to power and leave the same groups marginalized. They are eager to see a change in the political representation. This tension between the youth and the council will only grow as the rebels begin to move back to their hometowns. It is crucial that members of the NTC are engaging and incorporating these voices into the decision-making process.
Outlining such challenges is crucial, but it is nonetheless important to acknowledge the accomplishments of the revolutionary movement. The Libyan National Transitional Council has provided the international community a clear partner in the fight against the oppressive regime. The emergence of civil-society groups like Tadamon, the Citizenship Forum for Democracy and Human Development, and Ayadeena to respond to the humanitarian crisis as the internally displaced and refugees fled was commendable. Not to mention the awakening of democratic and nationalist ideals, which led to an awe-inspiring sense of volunteerism that swept across the East. From workers getting minimum salaries, to schools providing shelter, to young men jumping into cars and driving to the frontlines to join a fight for Libyan liberation, the spirit of civic duty was strong.
The challenge facing Libyans is daunting. Tripoli may be free, but the threat of an insurgency led by Gadhafi and his sons is on everyone's mind. Yet spending only a few days in Benghazi, I felt that the determination in the streets would prevail. The NTC does not face this challenge alone: Libyans across the country are ready and eager to step forward.
