Paul Waldman considers why al-Qaeda might try to influence this election as it did in 2004, and what effect such an action would have: surprise
On Oct. 29, 2004 -- four days before the election -- Osama bin Laden released a videotape attacking President Bush. As Ron Suskind later reported in his extraordinary book The One Percent Doctrine, CIA analysts concluded that "bin Laden's message was clearly designed to assist the President's reelection." John McLaughlin, the acting director of the CIA at the time, said at a meeting to discuss the tape, "Bin Laden certainly did a nice favor today for the president."
At the time, it was universally understood that the more voters were reminded of terrorism and external threats, the more they would gravitate toward the Republican candidate, particularly one who was so skilled at standing on top of rubble and issuing lusty promises of vengeance. What wasn't remarked on much was the possibility that -- as the CIA understood -- George W. Bush's re-election was exactly what al-Qaeda wanted. Chances are that they'd like the current Republican presidential nominee to win as well. The difference is that unlike four years ago, al-Qaeda may not have the power to affect the outcome of our election.
And, in an article from our new print issue, Robert Kuttner explores how the final days of the election have become a battle of narratives about the economy, and how conservatives are trying to blame anyone but themselves.
What do you do when your core ideology turns out to be not just a practical failure but a national catastrophe? You contrive alibis. You invent facts. The final days of the 2008 campaign can be understood as a battle of narratives. It is now clear to most Americans that the financial collapse was caused by extreme deregulation, the practical expression of laissez-faire dogma. Though some Democrats were enablers, the ideology was more purely Republican. How to temper this awkward political reality? Devise a counter-narrative. Herewith the elements:
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