W.E.B. Du Bois: The Fight for Equality and the American Century, 1919-1963, David Levering Lewis. Henry Holt, 715 pages, $35.00.
David Levering Lewis won the Pulitzer Prize in 1994 forW.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919. The Du Bois portrayed in that volume is a brilliant youth and later a powerful idealist who wrote movingly about America's predicament with race in The Souls ofBlack Folk (1903) and then took on, through language and protest, Booker T. Washington's accommodationist ideas about black advancement in the Jim Crow era. Du Bois's early career earns him the right to be called the "father of the modern civil rights movement." In his new book, Lewis completes the story, treating Du Bois's mature and elderly years from 1919 to 1963, and building a monument of biographical literature. This volume is as powerful as the first, impressive in its depth and scope; yet this is a more difficult story to tell, complicated by Du Bois's late-life radicalism and the hostility he faced during the Cold War.
The Du Bois of volume two edits The Crisis (the journal of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) for 24 years, helps create the fledgling Pan-African movement, challenges the charismatic black nationalist Marcus Garvey, and moves toward socialism and anticolonialism in the 1930s. In the decades that follow, he becomes a fierce critic of U.S. imperialism, a hunted victim of McCarthyism, and finally a communist in exile in Ghana, where he dies at age 95 in August 1963, the day before Martin Luther King, Jr., delivers the "I Have a Dream" speech at the Lincoln Memorial.
Lewis gives us Du Bois's life as a saga of amazing achievement on theone hand and disillusionment, as well as occasional doctrinaireblindness, on the other. We see here the Du Bois of multiple genius,superhuman work discipline, and colossal arrogance. In the course of hislife as editor, speaker, organizer, novelist, and "tribune" of the race,Du Bois attempted, as Lewis notes, "virtually every possible solution tothe problem of twentieth-century racism--scholarship, propaganda,integration, cultural and economic separatism, politics, internationalcommunism, expatriation, third-world solidarity." His years at the helmof The Crisis, writing editorials, short stories, reviews, and accounts of his own travels, left one of the most important repositories of African-American thought ever produced. His frequent speaking tours helped define the idea of the "public intellectual" long before it became a common notion.
Although he had many embittered relationships with fellowAfrican-American leaders, Du Bois led black America by the sheer weightof his influence. As a thinker, his writings anticipated many of thetrends of late-twentieth-century academic work aboutrace--multiculturalism, third-world studies, whiteness studies,Afrocentrism, and black-Atlantic scholarship. Du Bois sought tirelesslyto measure the "progress" of his people, to discern the horizons ofchange for the "darker races" in the world. But as he wrote in Souls, "Progress, I understand, is necessarily ugly." Du Bois's enormous intellectual productivity and self-confidence sustained him in the face of historical realities that placed him on the outside of power looking in. With enough distance now from the Cold War, even those who judge Du Bois's communism harshly may find inspiration within the tragedy of this story.
Lewis develops each stage of Du Bois's career with ample, sometimesoverwhelming, detail. The remarkable cultural ferment of the 1920scrackles in Lewis's prose. Lewis is a wonderful stylist, although attimes he insists on using archaic words: sangfroid (for "self-possession"), eleemosynary (for "charity"), and others. He is sure-handed in his depiction of Du Bois as the self-appointed "custodian of culture" who ultimately rejected much of what he saw as the "decadence" of the Harlem Renaissance. Du Bois believed that black art needed to have a "civic function"; Lewis declares him an "anti-modernist."
Lewis illuminates, as well, the black-nationalist atmosphere thatMarcus Garvey entered in New York in the World War I era. We feel theappeal of Garvey to race pride among blacks across all economic classesliving with the indignities of Jim Crow. Lewis argues that Garvey'schallenge was "bottom up"--more about class and who would lead blackAmerica than about ideas and strategies. But Garvey's racialism, hiscondemnations of mulattoes and interracial marriage, and especially hisembrace of the Ku Klux Klan as an ally in racial separation, repulsed DuBois. He was hardly alone in his suspicions of Garvey's chauvinism andgrandiose style, but he led the attack on the Jamaican's extraordinarilypopular Universal Negro Improvement Association. Du Bois gatheredinformation and editorialized extensively in order to destroy Garvey'sleadership.
A defining aspect of Du Bois's career was his deep, torturousrelationship with the NAACP. The civil rights flagship that he hadhelped found, and whose commitment to integration he championed, was atroubled home. In 1934 Du Bois parted noisily from his long tenure atThe Crisis, by writing a series of articles espousing black self-segregation. Du Bois was fed up with integrationism; the Depression had driven blacks into deeper poverty and political marginalization. This change of heart dumbfounded much of black America, especially younger intellectuals. Some thought Du Bois was merely "engaging in intellectual play," as E. Franklin Frazier put it. Perhaps he was merely moving pragmatically, others surmised. But Lewis judges Du Bois's break with NAACP leadership as a "caustic, condescending" act of "intellectual smugness."
Pittsburgh Courier columnist George Schuyler defended NAACP leaders Walter White and Roy Wilkins with this diatribe against Du Bois (who by then had coined the term "Talented Tenth" for the black educated elite): "Imagine the Top Sergeant of the Talented Tenth fouling like a punch-drunk pugilist despairing of victory." Du Bois, meanwhile, had attacked Walter White as too "white," which Lewis grants was "an egregious lapse of couth." But the bitterness of this breakup seems to require more explanation than Lewis provides in his claim that Du Bois moved to separatism because he was "disgusted personally and discouraged philosophically."
By the 1930s, as Du Bois moved back to Atlanta University to resumean academic career, he was "mesmerized by dialectical materialism,"Lewis contends. He taught courses on Marx and worked on his greatesthistorical work--Black Reconstruction in America (1935). Lewis fashions a brilliant chapter on the writing of this classic, managing to write epic narrative about historiography. His description of Claude Bowers's racist and popular 1929 book The Tragic Era as a "lynching in prose" almost makes one cheer. Who says historiography cannot be dramatic when the stakes are high?
In his treatment of Black Reconstruction, it is as though Lewis found the Du Bois he most admires--the historian who would throttle the profession in the service of social ideals and good history. The story of Reconstruction had been riveted into American historical consciousness as a tragic mistake, a corrupt attempt to recognize blacks as citizens long before their time, and a misuse of federal power against the benighted South. Black Reconstruction put black bondage and freedom at the heart of America's Civil War and its aftermath. In spite of its awkward use of Marxist parlance and ideology--emancipation as the "general strike" and slaves as the black "proletariat"--decades of scholarship have been built on the insights of this book, especially, as Lewis observes, on the simple idea of what historians came to call black "agency."
Moreover, no one can read Black Reconstruction without seeing Du Bois's own wish that this book be a "piece of literature." In biblical tones, he captures the apocalyptic character of emancipation's meaning to the slaves themselves: "To these black folk it was the Apocalypse. The magnificent trumpet tones of Hebrew Scripture ... became a strange new gospel. All that was Beauty, all that was Love, all that was Truth, stood on the top of these mad mornings and sang with the stars. A great human sob shrieked in the wind, and tossed its tears upon the sea,--free, free, free." Not everyone's cup of tea, perhaps, for historical writing, but necessary in order to dislodge America's historical memory from its white-supremacist moorings.
Lewis also provides excellent readings of some of Du Bois's otherimportant books and articles, especially Dark Princess, his 1928 novel about an African American and an Indian princess. Du Bois's fiction was not his best work, but Lewis makes artful use of DarkPrincess, suggesting that the character Kautilya is a composite of all the women in Du Bois's life--and there were many. Indeed, one of Lewis's true achievements is the use of oral history and correspondence to probe the details of Du Bois's private life.
Du Bois's wife, Nina Gomer, a student he met while teaching atWilberforce College in Ohio in the 1890s, emerges as "a sad record ofpsychosomatic debility and shriveling superego." With time, Nina'spresence in her husband's life "ended at the borders of ... Du Bois'scosmic concerns." In a proper Victorian pose, she remained the publicMrs. Du Bois who was almost never visible. Nina was tireless in devotionto a private sphere, managed the details of family affairs, and oftenlived apart from the editor and professor. Lewis describes the DuBoises' daughter Yolande as "self-indulgent, underachieving ...chronically overweight, and often ill." She craved a father's approvalbut seems to have received more instruction than love.
Yolande's celebrated marriage in 1928 to the poet Countee Cullen,attended by 3,000 people, was a farce of enormous proportions. Cullenwas gay, a fact realized during the honeymoon. Much of theresponsibility for the failed marriage goes to Du Bois. The fatherentertained racial and genetic fantasies of marrying a daughter to abrilliant artist, the offspring from which would produce even moregenius. Lewis accuses Du Bois of exercising "spectacularly wrongheaded... tyranny" over the lives of two misguided young people.
Du Bois, the "public feminist and the private patriarch," craved thecompanionship of talented women. He was a sincere proponent of women'scivil and political rights, as manifested in his famous essay "TheDamnation of Women" (1920). Yet he conducted "serial affairs" with the"compulsiveness of a Casanova," contends Lewis. And there were manyaccomplished women in Du Bois's life: the novelist and editor JessieFauset, the poet Georgia Douglas Johnson, the physician VirginiaAlexander, schoolteachers Mildred Jones and Rachel Davis Du Bois (whiteand no relation), and especially Shirley Graham, a playwright andleftist, who became the second Mrs. Du Bois in 1951. Without doubt,gifted women showed "enormous fascination" with Du Bois. Emotionally,too, he needed these relationships, carried them on openly, and could becallous in his partings.
Du Bois's internationalism dominated the final two decades of hislife. His Pan-Africanist, anticolonial views were sincere, but usuallycombined with his own brands of Euro-elitism and a racial romanticismabout Africa. Culturally and temperamentally, Du Bois was a lifelongGermanophile. While visiting Berlin in 1936 on a German fellowship, DuBois chose to avoid the Olympics and Jesse Owens's feats in the Nazicapital and went to Bayreuth, where he "bathed himself in Wagner."Humming familiar refrains from Lohengrin, America's most famous black intellectual would leave Germany appalled at Nazi anti-Semitism, but still hoping that Hitler's regime might lead to true socialism. Lewis deftly handles the irony of this moment in the journey of Du Bois's romantic heart. His refusal to give up on his "Germany of Goethe and Heine" allowed Du Bois to engage in some bizarre public apologetics about Nazism into the late 1930s.
Japan presented another curious impetus for Du Bois's growingradicalism. In the 1930s, he became a leading supporter of Japan'sincursions into China and other parts of Asia. "Asia for the Asiatics"seemed consistent with years of arguing for African liberation. Du Boiswas a cheerleader for Japanese imperialism, which he consideredacceptable because it would result in the "end of white worldsupremacy." He was treated like a world celebrity when he visited Japanin 1936 and 1937.
The principle of "the enemy of my enemies is my friend" motivated asignificant group of black American intellectuals who championed Japan'sambitions in Asia. As Lewis explains it, Du Bois acted out ofmisunderstanding, cynicism, and romantic racialism. So muchdiscouragement in battling American racism had made Du Bois all butblindly yearn for a conquering nation not ruled by white people. Butgiven the record of atrocity committed in the name of racialnationalism, such a judgment seems a little tame. Du Bois's genius ranamok in the search for a nation to champion the darker races.
Du Bois also found a champion for the lower classes. From his firstvisit to Russia in 1926, he was fascinated with the communistexperiment. As the Cold War ensued in the late 1940s, he became aproponent of world socialism. None of the rampages of Stalinism coulddissuade him from the conviction that "all tactics that containedAmerican capitalism were fair." Du Bois was indicted, arrested,handcuffed, and tried in 1951 as a "foreign agent" for his work with thePeace Information Center. The case against Du Bois was dismissed, butthe aging radical's American passport was denied for the next eightyears. Those familiar with the many strands of civil rights thought andstrategy cannot help but be moved by the story of Charles HamiltonHouston, the architect of the NAACP's legal war against segregation,appearing at Du Bois's trial to give him a public bear hug.
Lewis's portrait of Du Bois depicts a mind and a gigantic personalityat war with the world's race problem in the twentieth century. Thewriter Howard Fast characterized Du Bois as "very kind, very sweet, butthere was a wall between him and the rest of the world ... , and therewas no way past it." Whether in his idealistic-perfectionist impulses,his pragmatic and scholarly modes, or his embittered anti-American exit,Du Bois operated from a worldview in which "absolutes declared war onhalf measures." On the meaning of race in twentieth-century America, hewas, in Lewis's terms, "the incomparable mediator of the wounded soulsof black people." For that alone, much of his writing will endure.
But Du Bois was no mediator between people or institutions, no sourceof any repose along the color line. Lewis has broken down most of thosewalls around Du Bois's life and thought, showing us an all too humangenius at work, a figure for whom the term "prophet" fits as well as itdoes for anyone. While in Washington, D.C., recently, I watched asegment of a talk show on which Ronald Walters, the black politicalscientist, was asked by a somewhat hapless interviewer, "What does itmean to be black in America at the beginning of this new century?"Walters could have instructed the questioner to read the opening linesin The Souls of Black Folk, in which Du Bois reflects on being asked so frequently, "How does it feel to be a problem?" But he didn't; Walters carefully stated that it means to have an abiding sense of history, an awareness of the progress that has occurred, and a vigilance about the racism yet to be conquered. In a way, his answer amounted to this: Read Du Bois and never give up the fight.