The New Progressive Left Shows How to Deal With Sedition

The Squad, both old and new, immediately drafted a series of steps to deal with Republican insurrectionists directly, rather than hoping they’d just be nicer.

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Three days ago, the new Congress was sworn in. Among the razor-thin Democratic House majority was a crop of freshman progressive Democrats who received elevated attention throughout the 2020 election cycle: Marie Newman of Illinois, Jamaal Bowman of New York, Mondaire Jones of New York, and Cori Bush of Missouri. Alongside Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Rashida Tlaib, Ilhan Omar, and Ayanna Pressley, this group of eight, according to whatever taxonomy is preferred—the Squad and the New Squad, or the Squad Extended—represents a progressive bloc that is deeper and more empowered than any in recent years. Already, on day three, they announced themselves as a formidable force within the party, taking charge of strategy and messaging in the wake of Wednesday’s invasion of the Capitol.

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The new reps have arrived at a moment when some progressive voters, in certain corners of the internet, have begun to doubt their commitment to progressive causes, or alleged that the Squad members are no different in constitution than the mealymouthed moderates of the Democratic Party, or the pushover progressives of years gone by. But in the moments following Wednesday’s coup attempt, encouraged by President Trump and congressional Republicans, the first and most robust responses to the situation came from these very members, taking action while leadership either remained silent or simply called on Trump or some other deus ex machina to calm his supporters. What it might look like to have such a formidable progressive beachhead in Congress has been largely based on projection to this point, for obvious reasons. But Wednesday showcased just how powerful this flank could be going forward. The freshmen came out aggressively, pushing not only for a second impeachment of Trump, but for removal of the Republicans who abetted and openly courted the putsch.

The first announcement came from Cori Bush, who stated that her very first resolution as a member of Congress would be one calling for the expulsion of congressional Republicans who incited the attack, on the grounds that they’d broken their oath of office.

Shortly after Bush went public, Mondaire Jones announced he’d be co-sponsoring the measure. Jones was recently appointed to the House Judiciary Committee. Right behind him was Marie Newman, who also committed to co-sponsoring Bush’s resolution. Of those four freshmen, Newman has been considered to be the most cautious of the bunch. But she signaled her support for the resolution enthusiastically.

Meanwhile, the old Squad took up the mantle on the question of Trump’s impeachment. Ayanna Pressley put out one of the first calls for Trump to be impeached over the afternoon’s incitement, demanding that the House convene immediately to vote on it and send it to the Senate for approval.

Four minutes later, Ilhan Omar announced she was drawing up the articles of impeachment herself.

Rashida Tlaib then echoed their call, and signaled her support for another impeachment. Even freshman Rep. Kai Kahele from Hawaii, another new member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, replacing the recently departed Tulsi Gabbard, said he would support it.

Compare that to the reaction of longer-term Democratic representatives, even those known to be allies of progressive policies or on the left side of the party spectrum. Joaquin Castro called for Sens. Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, the most prominent objectors to the count of electoral votes, to resign, but didn’t call on his Senate colleagues to actually put it to a vote (senators can be expelled by a two-thirds vote of the chamber). Sen. Mazie Hirono, also a left-leaning member from Hawaii, asked for Sens. Hawley and Cruz to kindly stop trying to overturn the election result.

In terms of the process of impeachment itself, Rep. Ted Lieu of California outsourced the idea to Mike Pence, calling on him to use the 25th Amendment to remove Trump.

Hours into the ordeal, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and new Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer only issued a joint statement calling on Donald Trump to call on his supporters to knock it off. Sen. Dick Durbin, newly appointed head of the Senate Judiciary Committee, called it “a fitting end to one of the worst presidencies in the history of the United States.” Among Democratic leadership, only Katherine Clark, the fourth-ranking House Democrat, even said Trump “must be removed,” despite making no commitment to taking the action herself.

All that goes to show the profound difference in the crop of young progressives versus the longer-tenured Democrats. Where older Democrats, even those on the party’s left, have shied away from confrontation or any action they’d deem divisive, these newly added progressives have no such qualms, and aren’t waiting to take cues from leadership. Now, the Democratic Party can either come out against Bush’s and Omar’s resolutions, actively endorsing the seditious behavior of the Republican Party, or go along with the action of their more assertive colleagues. For activists and progressive voters skeptical of just how much power these representatives can and are willing to wield, the results are immediate and resounding.

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